趙少康的「宋美齡陷阱」

自由廣場》（金恒煒專欄） 2021/02/25 05:30 趙少康不智要取大位，前總統陳水扁下斷語說：起手式就錯；形同定調「一著錯滿盤輸」。趙少康從出手到現在，國民黨無意修改「一年條款」，主席江啟臣又表態將爭取連任，不只主席夢碎，總統大夢更畫餅充不了飢。 趙少康落到如此難看／難堪的地步，襲用流行語「修昔底德陷阱」，宛如落入「宋美齡陷阱」。蔣介石過世之後，宋美齡鬥不過羽翼已豐的蔣經國，迫不得已搭專機赴美，從此無力染指台灣政局。一九八八年蔣經國病逝，宋美齡計劃完成「我將再起」的大計，無奈政局丕變，新的政治生態不容她再指點江山，從此只能「故國不堪回首月明中」了。 像「龍太后」宋美齡如此顯赫的權勢，去國十三年而已，就無法「再起」，區區趙少康在歷史垃圾桶中待了二十五年之久，還妄想「我將再起」？宋美齡停留在「反攻大陸」、「漢賊不兩立」的虛幻中，趙少康則停留在他的「起手式」情結中，走不出二十五年前的情境。 趙少康面臨「天然獨」一代，卻想跟中國勾勾纏，患了歷史垃圾桶的幽閉症；完全不知民意。趙少康要台灣買中國疫苖，上週本專欄指出：「台灣人誰敢打？」答案出來了，「遠見」所做民調，台灣人敢打中國疫苖的僅一．三％。 趙少康政治大頭病的幼稚不僅止於此，他還嚷嚷著要求「民進黨主席蔡英文宣示絕不會追求台獨」！民進黨有「台獨黨綱」，公認是台獨黨，蔡英文即使不敢、不願獨，也不可能冒此大不韙；這是其一。何況民進黨一旦放棄台獨主張，不是就變成中國國民黨的二．一版？利基全都掏空，造就國民黨鹹魚翻生；民進黨哪可能笨到像趙少康一樣？這是其二。獨不獨？是民意決定，連中國都知道擋不住了，趙少康空口白話就能壓制蔡英文、壓斷台獨？這是其三。香港被中國生吞活剝，「親中」死路一條，教訓就在眼前，還不夠嗎？獨統之爭，在思想、制度上是民主與專制之爭；台灣若沒有民主化，會有「獨」嗎？這是其四。 趙少康最新的議題是拋出內閣制，他不滿「總統一人獨大，沒有制衡」，然後自我衍義說：「總統好爽啊，勢力那麼大，不想下來，所以才會有兩顆子彈事件發生……。」真是什麼跟什麼呀。尤其說「蔡英文總統任期還有大約三年，不可能再連任，何不在此時推動內閣制？」他表示若蔡英文不做，他第一年當選就推動內閣制，如果修法成功，到時候選立委，爭取當總理。像不像《伊索寓言》中那位「賣牛奶的女孩」在一連串慾望幻想的空中建樓閣？ 台灣並非總統制而是超級總統制。為什麼李登輝九七年修憲要修掉立法院對閣揆的同意權？李認為連戰會選上總統，但民進黨立委會多數；這個判斷對一半。如果蔡英文果真修成內閣制，民進黨保證可以永遠執政，蔡英文三年後繼續當權，任期可以比英國柴契爾的十一年或德國梅克爾的十五年還長。 「趙少康陷阱」比「宋美齡陷阱」慘。

滿腦中國 滿腦鬼

自由廣場》（金恒煒專欄） 2021/02/18 05:30 說人「滿腦子鬼」，基本上是負面用語，也有時是正面，如形容蒲松齡，但有時是事實陳述；相對的，說「滿腦子中國」，可以是事實，可以是負評，但也有可能是讚詞，比如馬英九、趙少康、韓國瑜、蘇起等，甚至到賴士葆之流，都擎著「中國」旗幟高聲吶喊；厲害的是，不怕自我現形。 別的、遠的不談，僅就肺炎肆虐的這一年，馬英九們肆無忌憚的要讓台灣「武漢肺炎化」。先從最近的新聞說起，帳再往前算。 最新一波的是馬英九、趙少康呼求「別拒絕中國疫苖」，賴士葆一搭一唱接口說：台灣防疫的「更高指導原則」是「政治正確，否則免談」。果真？ 先解決幾個問題。ＢＢＣ探討中國COVID-19疫苗到底管不管用？開篇即點出重點：「第一個被發現肺炎的國家，可否在全球接種疫苖上發揮巨大作用？」明確定調中國是「第一個被發現肺炎的國家」，所以台灣用「武漢肺炎」正確無誤；正像流亡海外的中國藝術家艾未未所說：「新冠病毒是『中國製造』裡最響亮的牌子」；那麼馬友友們用「歧視」字眼來抨擊台灣用武漢肺炎，正顯示「滿腦子中國」而已。 其次，ＢＢＣ指出，中國疫苖的科興與國藥兩家公司之可信度很低、疫苗有效性非常可疑。但為什麼還有國家要？答案是：人命關天。《紐約時報》援引英國民調公司YouGov「對各國疫苖的正負面看法」報告，顯示俄國、中國與印度排在末尾，但「面臨疫苖嚴重不足並運送不及」，法國、西班牙和德國不得不思考摒除對中國和俄國疫苖的「偏見」，《紐約時報》認為是到了信任中國與俄羅斯疫苖的時候了，否則更糟。 此外，ＢＢＣ還指出，中國傾全力輸出疫苖甚至免費，目的在於展現「軟實力」，可見中國疫苖是政治武器。此一論點正好是賴士葆「政治正確」的最有力反證。 台灣為何不考慮中國疫苗？除了沒有「情勢危殆」的急迫性，沒有病急亂投藥的必要性，更免於陷入ＢＢＣ預警的中國疫苖可能失敗的危機。流行疫情指揮中心指揮官陳時中引學理指出，中國疫苖連第一步「候選疫苖」的資格都沒有，加上技術不完整、科學性資料沒有發表過；與ＢＢＣ及《紐時》的論點沒有二致。更何況台灣人平常日用的食材、用品等，往往不敢碰中國製，何況疫苗？真要引進中國疫苖，老實說台灣人誰敢打？連勝文、馬英九、趙少康等人這樣喜歡中國疫苖，那就自己打呀！「中國有沒有就疫苖與我方接觸？」陳時中回應記者說：「可能馬英九有」，那麼馬友友們就打呀！ 萬幸之一是，國民黨倒了，台灣人用選票否決「人進來、貨出去」；萬幸之二是，中共阻絕所謂「陸客」來台，否則美國約翰霍普金斯大學預言「台灣是中國以外疫情最慘的國家」必定成真。 台灣在口罩生產每月二四四萬片時，馬英九即要求送口罩給中國，口不擇言說：「台灣不捐口罩沒人性」，現在又說：「不買中國疫苗無理性」。「滿腦子中國」作祟，只讓台灣人越來越看不起。 （作者金恒煒為政治評論者；http://wenichin.blogspot.tw/） 遠見調查：僅6成民眾願接種新冠疫苗 最不信任大陸貨 2021-02-23 11:48 聯合報 / 記者葉冠妤／台北即時報導 「遠見」與「遠見民意研究調查」自2月4日至7日針對18歲以上台灣民眾進行「新冠疫苗接種意願調查」，回收1145份有效問卷，結果顯示，台灣民眾接種意願約6成，低於國際水準。進一步詢問對疫苗的信心，有3成民眾質疑其感染預防力、安全性；此外，民眾最挺台灣製造，54.8％民眾希望接種台灣自製疫苗，31.8％為歐美疫苗，選擇中國大陸疫苗則僅1.3%。　

韓趙聯手的軟性政變

自由廣場》（金恒煒專欄）韓趙聯手的軟性政變 2021/02/04 05:30 國民黨可憐到爆，窩囊到不行。區區一個黨外人士而已，一宣稱「回復黨籍」，黨頓然吱吱咯咯的上動下搖。這位人士連黨門還未進，隔空挑明佔主席寶座、選總統，更叫人咋舌的是，此人，乖乖，語帶威脅的要黨主席立刻奉上中評委聘書，以取得選主席資格。氣燄之盛、口氣之大，眼中哪有黨？虧國民黨嚥得下這口氣。 這個「區區」，不是別人，是號稱「政治金童」的趙少康。政治金童？卻像伏爾泰嘲諷的「神聖羅馬帝國」一樣名不副實；「政治」？趙少康口口聲聲說自己是「媒體人」；「童」？年過耳順了，童什麼童！「金」才是趙少康本色。 趙少康是精刮利害的生意人，區區兩億元換來「不當黨產」價高十億的中廣；這筆橫財暴利，靠的是政媒雙棲、「入乎其內、出乎其外」的手法。現在公開叫陣，兵臨於江啟臣城下，要主席就主席、要選總統就選總統，毫不掩飾的說，等到安全上莊後，中廣董事長寶座才放手；任何成本、損失、風險概由國民黨承擔，趙少康一張嘴天地玄黃。 當然，趙少康挾韓國瑜部勒藍營，不只「趙韓同盟」，而是「李代桃僵」的政治版本；韓國瑜被九十三萬票罷免，形同政治死刑，需要找一個代理人，趙少康是最壞打算下的最好選擇：趙不只一路力挺，且是同路人。更重要的是，韓國瑜打包票：「中評委的事情我會去跟江啟臣討論」；忒大的口氣。韓國瑜擺得平擺不平江啟臣是一回事，其他有意問鼎的諸侯服不服固有待觀察。韓趙聯手發動軟性政變，目的是使國民黨新黨化；背後那把沒有亮出的傢伙就是韓粉。 趙少康能不能及如何豪奪巧取國民黨，是國民黨自家的事，反正好戲開鑼。但趙少康指鹿為馬、瞞天過海，那是顛倒黑白的詐術。趙少康宣布班師回朝時呼籲「台灣別搞省籍分化」，有沒有搞錯，一九九四年台北市長選舉，趙少康最旗幟鮮明的口號是「呼群保義」，「號召眷村榮民傾家蕩產支持他」。（楊實秋語）算準了天龍國族群結構的特色，趙少康孤注一擲的把外省人全押下去梭哈。所謂物極必反，趙少康的族群動員，激起了台灣人集體焦慮的反制，最後在三腳督下，反使陳水扁脫穎而出。搞省籍分化的始作俑者不是趙少康是誰！ 「呼群保義」不僅是趙少康選戰策略而已，是他堅如磐石的大中國沙文意識形態的外爍。國會全面改選時他說：「外省人比台灣人多，外省人有十幾億，三十幾省的外省人；台灣人才一千多萬，我們多數，你們少數。」「中華民國不只有台灣嘛！所以你們要聽我們的，我們多數你們少數。」把台灣打成「我們族群」與「你們族群」，當成恆定的統治與被統治關係，「你們要聽我們的」、「你們台灣人要聽我們外省人的」，這才是趙少康的終極信念。 中國共產黨建黨百週年不是玩假的：中央人民廣播電台訪問白狼不是訪假的；趙少康搶黨主席也不是搶假的。 （作者金恒煒為政治評論者；http://wenichin.blogspot.tw/）

Judicial corruption demands action

Home Editorials Thu, Feb 04, 2021 page8 Judicial corruption demands action By Chin Heng-wei 金恒煒 Were it not for the Control Yuan, the massive judicial scandal involving allegations of corruption by former Supreme Court judge Shih Mu-chin (石木欽) and Chia Her Industrial president Weng Mao-chung (翁茂鍾) would have remained buried deep in multiple “black boxes.” However, there is another important aspect to the story that is worthy of attention. If Control Yuan members appointed by former president Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) are not cleared out, even if the agency initiates impeachment proceedings against the more than 200 judicial personnel and civil servants accused of having been involved in illicit activities, nothing will happen. After the Judicial Yuan handed material related to Shih’s activities to the Control Yuan, an impeachment procedure against Shih was opened. At the Control Yuan’s impeachment review committee’s first hearing, members voted seven to four against impeaching Shih. The second hearing lacked a quorum, and after the third hearing failed to impeach him, the issue was left unresolved. Control Yuan member Fang Wan-fu (方萬富), a Ma appointee implicated in the case, mobilized Ma supporters in the Control Yuan to block Shih’s impeachment. Fortunately, the Ma clique in the Control Yuan was broken up when a new class of members joined, and on Aug. 14 last year, the committee voted in favor of Shih’s impeachment by 12 votes to none. Talking to reporters, Shih fired back, asking: “If I was involved in any impropriety, why was I not impeached during the first impeachment hearing?” He clearly understands the agency’s inner workings. On Sept. 9 last year, the Control Yuan issued a report stating that prosecutors had more than 130 files, but that it had only seen a dozen or so. The report said that the Taipei District Prosecutors’ Office had confiscated 27 of Weng’s notebooks, but only the parts involving judges had been handed over: Everything involving prosecutors had been kept under wraps. As a result, the Control Yuan demanded that the Executive Yuan and Judicial Yuan punish implicated officials within two months, or the Control Yuan would take action itself. This bold move forced the Judicial Yuan and the Ministry of Justice to announce the results of its investigation on Jan. 18. The investigation found that Weng had had “improper contact” with 20 judges, 11 prosecutors, and nine Investigation Bureau officials. Can it really be that only 40 individuals were involved? Even Saber Youth — a judicial independence advocacy group composed of young prosecutors — called on the Judicial Yuan to make public a list of all officials implicated in the case. The Weng-Shih case involves alleged improper conduct which, according to the Control Yuan, occurred more than a decade — and in some instances more than two decades — ago. However, Fang was a Control Yuan member up until July 30 last year, so his case is still easy to investigate. The scandal concerns the entire judicial system and implicates powerful people at the highest level, from grand justices down to judges in the Supreme Court, High Administrative Court, Disciplinary Court, and administrative and district courts. The allegations implicate retired grand justices, a former Judicial Yuan vice president and division chief judges. Prosecutors from chief prosecutors down are also involved. Judicial Reform Foundation chairman Lin Yung-sung (林永頌) asked Premier Su Tseng-chang (蘇貞昌): “Why are there no investigation reports from the National Police Agency, which falls under your purview?” There are no reports from the police agency or the Investigation Bureau, and the judiciary and prosecutors are clearly in cahoots with each other; if it is not corruption, the only explanation is gross incompetence. President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) rejected the introduction of a jury system in favor of a lay judge system that would include so-called “citizen judges” in lieu of genuine judicial reform. Shih’s actions show that the “citizen judge” system is unworkable. Former Judicial Yuan president Rai Hau-min (賴浩敏) received a letter informing on Shih when he was newly installed as Taiwan High Court president. Shih was summoned by Rai for formal questioning. Shih strongly denied any illegal activity, saying that he had never provided advice to Weng, and persuaded Rai. If even an experienced lawyer such as Rai was duped by Shih, one can assume that a citizen judge could also be duped. The judiciary has for many years functioned as a closed interest group, with the Control Yuan as gatekeeper. How many more Weng cases are out there? How many more Shihs and Fangs are operating within the system? How many more crooked grand justices are yet to be exposed? Weng was not a particularly skilled operator — the problem lies with Taiwan’s rotten judicial system. “Independent trial” and “discretionary evidence” are used as shields by bad actors and impede the Control Yuan from properly supervising and investigating members of the judiciary. Tsai’s judicial reform, announced with so much fanfare five years ago, is left in tatters. Can she continue to stay out of the matter for much longer? Chin Heng-wei is a political commentator. Translated by Edward Jones