2022年7月28日 星期四

綠營大將金恆煒胰臟癌12年 戰勝病魔秘訣首次大公開

! [原著] [台灣海外網]於2022-08-02 15:08:08上傳[538] CH 1 綠營大將金恆煒患胰臟癌12年 戰勝病魔的秘訣首次大公開! 曹長青臉書: 《自由時報》專欄作家金恆煒出生在中國(1歲時來台),但卻沒有大中國情結,把台灣當自己家園,深愛台灣(因此被深藍和外省老兵毆打)、為台灣成為正常獨立國家而奮筆疾書、嘔心瀝血,是一位象徵性的人物。他出版《民主內戰的必要》專著時,我寫序推薦:特立獨行的「刺猬」金恆煒(見《台灣海外網: https://taiwanus.net/news/news/2012/201211011222011304.htm )。 不幸的是,2010年8月他被查出胰臟癌,這是一種很可怕的癌症,一般倖存期只有6個月。他做了手術、化療等。至今12年了,金恆煒仍生龍活虎地寫專欄,創造了醫療史的奇蹟!有醫生甚至懷疑是不是當初『誤診』。 最近,他和妻子張文翊合作,寫了與死神搏鬥(他稱之『死亡探戈』)的驚心動魄經歷。我收到和拜讀後,感慨不已!給恆煒兄寫了兩個Line如下: 書剛收到。很壯觀的一本大作!你和文翊各寫一半,名為『探戈』,別緻的構想!先告知一聲收到,待拜讀後再告知感想!十分感謝。在你病後恢復,文翊要照顧你和全家的勞頓之餘,能夠完成這樣一本書,實在是不容易,從目錄看,相當有內容。祝賀!! 書已拜讀完。寫得非常棒!書名、探戈的構思、兩人各自寫,合成一本,又橫排、豎排版,形式新穎、獨特!內容很棒,寫得誠實,誠懇,質樸,沒有虛空和大詞。令人想起一句諺語:是真佛說平常話! 文翊寫的部分,令人想到台灣膾炙人口的曲子《望春風》,細膩感人。恆煒部分,像貝多芬的交響曲,大氣磅礴,縱貫台灣歷史。你倆的文字和風格是絕配,真是『探戈』,且是『九段』。以前沒看過文翊的作品,這是首次讀她的大塊文字,她寫得很有構思,很有文采!很『文翊』!祝賀! 這本書很值得一讀。台灣各大書店有售,也可在『博客來』網購:https://search.books.com.tw/search/query/key/%E9%87%91%E6%81%86%E7%85%92/adv_author/1/ 書名《胰臟癌探戈:有情世界渡死劫/是「史記」也是「死記」 》 作者: 張文翊, 金恆煒 出版社:允晨文化 2022年5月

賴清德挾風雷出場

金恒煒觀點:賴清德挾風雷出場 金恒煒 + 追蹤 2022-07-28 06:30 1986 人氣 「 運氣來了,紫微星也擋不住。」紫微星就是帝星;這是封建時代的老話,表示命運的力量大過世俗王權。有沒有道理?很難說。不過眼下就有實例,那就是副總統賴清德到日本去奠祭前首相安倍晉三。從政治角度看,對外,此舉突破台日斷交五十年的外交困境,對內,是賴清德擺脫蔡英文的羈絆,脫繭而出。 [啟動LINE推播] 每日重大新聞通知 重點呢,賴清德匆赴日本弔唁並參與家祭,不是蔡英文欽點,而是安倍家屬邀請;其身份不屬總統「特使」,日方定位為「特例」,從而開啟了一個巧門,賴清德的私人身份儼然成為台灣官方代表;國際媒體幾乎都如此認知、報導。 安倍家屬視賴副總統為特殊的貴賓,除了私誼外,當然在於體貼安倍的夙願,也是「台灣有事、日本有事」的落實。 安倍家屬不但安排賴清德參與家祭,而且特別為他延遲原定二時的入殮時間。棺木離去後,賴清德一一 向在場的昭惠夫人、母親洋子夫人、大哥寬信先生、弟岸信夫先生等家族致哀,家屬同意其拍照留念。下午五時賴與大使 / 代表謝長廷同到增上寺公祭、上香。行禮如儀結束,賴清德又接到家屬通知,邀請他第二天十二日在同一場地參與家祭;家祭是親人或視同親人的密友參加,這不在雙方原定計劃之內,是意外行程,表示安倍家屬不把賴副當外人。 以上細節見於謝長廷臉書,謝大使主要在解釋、解開金美齡的誤會。有趣的是,如果金美齡沒有誤解,謝長廷會不會鉅細靡遺的和盤托出?真相即使日後會大白,可能不是現在當前;機緣湊巧下,致使賴清德挾著風雷出場。 安倍被刺殺是悲劇,震撼力不下於美國總統甘廼迪的暗殺,但卻為賴清德拉出進場舞台的帘幕,外媒都強調賴副是台灣「二號」人物,政治涵義呼之欲出。蔡英文樂不樂見?我們不知道,是不是原有意拉抬前副總統陳建仁以抗?坊間臆測紛紛,恐非空穴來風。蔡英文出手讓陳建仁擔任陳時中首都競選總部主委有沒有一點怪?陳建仁沒有任何選戰經驗,如何操盤?就好像從沒有游泳經驗的人去當游泳教練。更何況陳時中也是菜鳥,兩人一隊倒是「天」作之合。 民進黨中常委、中執委選舉,媒體報導全代會重新洗牌,賴清德人馬正式進入黨的權力核心,英系聲勢受挫,最重要的觀察點是中評委主委一職。蔡英文原屬意不分區立委管碧玲爭取中評委主委,且有勢在必得之勢。最後英系掌握包含湧言會、正國會共五票,新系也掌握包含綠色友誼五票,關鍵一席落在蘇系手上,雙方僵持不下,正國會一度擬提案下次再議,管碧玲則在會中發言強調:「尊重各方和諧,不要顧慮我。」賴清德人馬賴瑞隆於是膺選。 這到底是賴清德佈局成功?還是英系馬前失蹄?除了賴清德上次初選吃了大虧所以全力鞏固黨中央的因素外,是不是黨內有意無意集體意識下的決斷?蔡英文與民進黨淵源不深,異軍突起取得大位,但賴清德代表正港民進黨的明天,黨內權力看來最終回到原軌。西諺有云:「國王已死、國王萬歲」;很能彰顯歷史性這一幕,頗有預告片況味。 (作者按:本文原係《自由時報》七月二十一日定期刊出的每周專欄文章。因故未刊。援藉《風傳媒》披露。特此聲明。)(相關報導:直系、友軍入民進黨中常會 親新系人士:賴清德堪稱黨職選舉最大贏家|更多文章) *作者為資深媒體人、作家、時事評論員。

2022年7月22日 星期五

Shinzo Abe’s sacrifice for Taiwa

Fri, Jul 22, 2022 page8 Shinzo Abe’s sacrifice for Taiwan By Chin Heng-wei 金恒煒 The shocking assassination of former Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe by a lone gunman on July 8 became an international news event, second only to the war in Ukraine. The next day, Time magazine released an image of its next cover, featuring a black-and-white photograph of Abe. Meanwhile, countries including Taiwan, Australia, Brazil, India and the US lowered their national flags to half-mast to mourn Abe’s passing. Abe’s untimely and violent death elicited a strong reaction from the Japan electorate. At the House of Councilors elections held just three days after the shooting, the Liberal Democratic Party, and three other parties that also support amending the pacifist post-World War II Japanese constitution, won a combined 177 seats. This provides the Japanese government with a two-thirds majority in the upper house of parliament to enact a constitutional amendment. Japanese voters have expressed their will in a decisive manner. Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida said after the election results were announced that he would fulfill Abe’s long-held wish to return Japan to normalized nationhood by removing the second paragraph of Article 9 of the constitution, which states that “land, sea, and air forces, as well as other war potential, will never be maintained. The right of belligerency of the state will not be recognized.” I believe that historians inside and outside Japan are likely to conclude that Abe paid the ultimate sacrifice in service to his nation. Why do I believe this to be the case? German lawmaker Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann said of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine: “It’s tragic that it took a war like this, but now we Germans have woken up with a bang.” Although Germany has been reluctant to increase the size of its military given the legacy of the Nazi era, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz has announced a 100 billion euros (US$102 billion) increase in defense spending, saying it is the beginning of a new era. Now Japan, as another former Axis Power, is following in Germany’s footsteps and preparing to transform the Japan Self-Defense Forces to a fully fledged fighting force. The two nations are entering a new era and stepping out from the shadows cast by their World War II legacies. The only major country to ride in the opposite direction is China. After Abe’s death, a number of shops and restaurants in China flew red banners outside their storefronts, inscribed with messages such as: “Yesterday was July 7, today Abe is no more.” Why the emphasis on that date? The Marco Polo Bridge Incident on July 7, 1937, triggered the Second Sino-Japanese War. Chinese references to the incident in connection to Abe’s assassination is obviously mischief-making by ideologues, and reflects the blind alley of Han Chinese nationalism that many of them have collectively wandered into. That such behavior occurs in China is unremarkable. However, a number Taiwanese loudly objected to the government’s lowering of the national flag after Abe’s death. One was former Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) Discipline Committee chairman and attorney Yeh Ching-yuan (葉慶元), who said: “If you want to engage in Japanolatry, that’s your prerogative, but please do not violate the law.” The Chinese term for “Japanolatry” is composed of the characters for “fawn on” (媚) and “Japan” (日). It is a derogatory term used by extremist Han Chinese nationalists. Yeh’s accusation that the government has breached the law is a reference to the Half-mast Implementation Regulations (國旗下半旗實施辦法). He is wrong to do so. That law does not apply when a president issues an executive order to lower the national flag. Also, Article 4 of the regulations provides the president with the authority to lower the flag to half-mast for “individuals with special, outstanding or significant contribution” to the nation. It is not for Yeh to determine whether Abe has made such a contribution. The rhetorical formula of “one family on either side of the Taiwan Strait” is founded upon an ideology that harks back to the Chinese “motherland” and is shared by the likes of Broadcasting Corp of China chairman Jaw Shaw-kong (趙少康), former KMT chairwoman Hung Hsiu-chu (洪秀柱) and Sun Yat-sen School president Chang Ya-chung (張亞中). They might be physically in Taiwan, but their souls are in China. The KMT promotes language borrowed straight from China with phrases such as the “war of resistance against Japan” or “eight-year arduous war,” both referring to the Second Sino-Japanese War. These terms have no relation to Taiwan or Taiwanese society, as the nation was a Japanese colony at the time of the war. Regardless of adhering to a pro-Japanese or pro-Chinese ideology, Taiwanese have always rejected militarism. Japan today is a thriving democracy, while China is the enemy of democratic principles. Taiwan and Japan must jointly resist Chinese fascism. Abe coined the term “Indo-Pacific region” as a strategic framework and stated that “Taiwan’s problem is Japan’s problem.” Taiwanese are grateful to Abe in the same spirit that Ukrainians thank British Prime Minister Boris Johnson for his support of their country. The rest of the world has finally turned a page on World War II. If Chinese wish to wallow in the pages of history, that is their prerogative. Taiwan and Japan can now walk forward into the future, shoulder to shoulder, with the democratic world. Chin Heng-wei is a political commentator Translated by Edward Jones

2022年7月14日 星期四

Dropping primaries certain to hurt DPP

Dropping primaries certain to hurt DPP By Chin Heng-wei 金恒煒 Former transportation and communications minister Lin Chia-lung (林佳龍) and Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) Legislator Lo Chih-cheng (羅致政) have expressed interest in running for Taipei and New Taipei City mayor respectively, but have been stuck in political limbo due to a lack of primaries. Their problem is not whether they could win a primary, it is that they cannot even gain admission to the game. Minister of Health and Welfare Chen Shih-chung (陳時中), whom DPP supporters widely expect to run for Taipei mayor, could eventually be picked by the party, but as the party gradually loses momentum due to a delay in making nominations, Chen said that he no does not want to be a “spare tire.” Of the local seats up for grabs on Nov. 26, the Taipei and New Taipei mayoral positions are the most important. If the decision about who represents the DPP in those elections is decided by party chairperson President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) alone, without any primaries, would voters accept them? Has the party not sensed the danger here? The DPP Central Executive Committee last year approved special regulations allowing the party chairperson to nominate mayoral and commissioner candidates in the six special municipalities. Neither Lin nor Lo voiced objections to the move, so they are partly to blame for their situation, as they failed to protest the deterioration of the party’s traditional democratic principles. They not only hurt their own rights, but those of other party members. They have no leg to stand on with their complaints. The abolition of primaries leaves no mechanism to ensure fair competition. The 19th-century historian John Dalberg-Acton, better known as Lord Acton said that “power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.” His remark encapsulates the negative consequences of power without constraint. Apart from corruption, such power inevitably stifles competence. Tsai delaying the direct appointment of mayoral candidates until the last minute is disrespectful to all mayoral hopefuls, and shows contempt for local voters. It is also a lost opportunity for the party to demonstrate decisiveness. This is what incompetence under a dictatorship looks like. The controversy over the early retirement of former National Police Agency director-general Chen Ja-chin (陳家欽) last month serves as another example. After stepping down, Chen accused Minister of the Interior Hsu Kuo-yung (徐國勇) of intervening in police personnel affairs. Hsu said that such power belonged to him, and that the former police head’s accusation was laughable. However, Hsu was not quite right. Former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) once said that the president is in charge of the “eight major intelligence units” through the National Security Bureau of the National Security Council, which reports directly to the Presidential Office. While the president has that prerogative, respect for the professionals within an agency should be an overriding concern. Without regard for their independence, the National Police Agency would hardly be able to lead a force of 80,000. Under the Organizational Act of the National Security Bureau (國家安全局組織法), the bureau is responsible for the guidance, coordination and support of the nation’s major intelligence units, including the National Police Agency. How, then, did problems get out of control? It is clearly a result of the president’s incompetence. The next concern is whether the police force of 80,000 will be able to keep it together. Chin Heng-wei is a political commentator. Translated by Eddy Chang

安倍晉三對台灣、日本及世界的遺澤

自由廣場》(金恒煒專欄) 2022/07/14 05:30 日本前首相安倍晉三不幸遇刺身亡,成為僅次於俄羅斯侵烏的國際大新聞;美國《時代》雜誌九日在臉書刊出安倍黑白照片的封面,印度、美國、澳大利亞、巴西、台灣等國相續宣佈降半旗哀弔。 安倍身殉召喚出強大的民意,十一日選舉揭曉,包含執政的自民黨在內,四個支持修憲的政黨共獲得一七七席,超過修憲提案的三分之二門檻;這當然是日本選民感念下做出的政治決斷。首相岸田文雄召開記者會,強調會致力完成安倍心願,再承諾日本將解除憲法第九條「不保持陸海空軍及其他戰爭力量,不承認國家交戰權」的禁令,回歸為「正常國家」。安倍的犧牲勢必永遠刻在歷史記功碑上,不只在日本而是世界史。 此話怎說?本專欄在四月二十一日〈普廷為二戰譜下休止符〉中,援引德國國會國防委員會主席齊默曼(Marie Agnes Strack-Zimmerman)的話:「發生了這樣一場戰爭是悲劇,但現在我們德國人終於在一聲巨響中醒來了!」過去德國不敢擴軍,總理蕭茲宣布大幅追加一千億歐元國防軍備預算,並表示世界已經「進入了一個新時代」。同為軸心國的日本也將步德國的後塵,恢復軍備,德日共同進入「新時代」,「二戰譜下休止符」無誤。 唯一與國際背道而馳的是中國,一家店鋪門面上方扯起一條紅色橫幅,上面寫著:「昨天七七事變,今天安倍再見」云云。安倍遇襲喪命與所謂的「七七」有何關聯?毫無。把「七七」與「刺安倍」掛在一起,那是中國意識形態作祟,只反映中國民族主義下的集體困境。中國如此並不令人驚訝,倒是台灣有一批中國人也表現了集體焦慮。台灣降半旗弔念安倍,前國民黨考紀會主委、律師葉慶元大為不滿表示:「你要媚日是你的決定,請不要違法!」「媚日」就是極端中國民族主義用語,一副小紅粉嘴臉,至於引〈國旗下半旗實施辦法〉質疑總統的決定是「違法」,首先「行政命令」不是「法律」,沒有違不違法的問題;其次,安倍有沒有「貢獻」?值不得降半旗?也沒有葉慶元解釋、置喙的餘地。 可見「兩岸一家親」原來不是無的放矢。趙少康、洪秀柱、張亞中等人的意識形態裡住著中國的老靈魂,什麼「侵華戰爭」啦、什麼「八年艱苦抗戰」啦,劍尖所指雖是國民黨黨中央,不可遮的是中國認同。台灣\台灣人與所謂「七七」、「抗戰」毫無關係,二戰期間,台灣屬於日本國土,與中國儼成敵國。無論日本或中國的軍國主義,台灣人一律反對;日本已經是民主國家,中國卻是民主的敵人。日本與台灣要聯手對抗中國法西斯的「巨靈」;安倍創發「印太」大戰略架構,「台灣有事等於日本有事」遂不落空言而落實。備受中國暴力威脅的台灣人感恩安倍就像烏克蘭人之感恩英國首相強森。台、日聲氣相通,連成一氣! 重點是,二戰既已終結,成為翻過去的一頁歷史,中國要留在二戰,那是他家的事。台灣、日本要與世界民主國家迎向前去。 (作者金恒煒為政治評論者;http://wenichin.blogspot.tw/)

2022年7月7日 星期四

蔡英文的絕對權力造成黨政失能

自由廣場》(金恒煒專欄) 2022/07/07 05:30 林佳龍要選台北市長、羅致政要選新北市長,雙雙卡在初選門檻,不在過得了過不了初選關卡,而是沒有程序可走,連入場券都拿不到。至於呼聲很高的衛福部長是不是「回首驀見燈火闌珊處」的「那人」?拖拖拉拉「三而竭」之後,陳時中據稱不想當「備胎」了。台北、新北兩市是重中之重,人選全繫於一人之手,不經過初選,選民會買單嗎?民進黨不覺得危乎殆哉? 羅致政公開宣布「拒絕」參選,話說得很直白;重點是說經過兩個月的「蹉跎」後,家人和團隊都反對他去扛這個艱難責任,主要是時間因素,新北市幅員廣大,有廿九個行政區、百工百業無數社團,四個月時間要打贏選戰,難度非常高,請黨中央不要再將他列入市長候選人評估考量。 林佳龍原表示非北市不選,現在只能等徵召;重點是他說將來選舉結果出來,徵召者要負責任,要讓民怨有出口,這樣民進黨才能繼續向前走,這是黨長期建立的傳統,地方選舉一旦選輸了,一定要有人負責,如果沒有人負責,會繼續失血,那麼勢必危及下一戰二○二四。指出民進黨蹉跎或警告徵召後的責任歸屬,兩人其實是向蔡英文喊話,但其無奈之情溢於言表。 中執會通過縣市長提名特別條例,將權力讓渡給黨主席一人,羅致政、林佳龍們在中執會中一聲不抗議,要怪誰呢?能辭其咎嗎?只能怪自己唯唯諾諾,坐視民主原則淪喪、民進黨傳統腰斬,損害自家權益又出賣了黨員權利,現在東怪西怪,可能連補破網的機會都沒有。 取消初選,就沒有「公平競爭」的機制,「絕對的權力造成絕對腐化」,艾克頓爵士指出的是權力或絕對權力沒有制衡的禍患,除造成腐化外,失能也是避免不了的。縣市長徵召逼到最後才出手,御批欽點姍姍來遲,是對候選人的不尊重、對選民的輕視,更不說會喪失戎機,這是獨裁下的失能。 最近鬧得沸沸揚揚的警政署長之爭又是一例。原署長陳家欽指控內政部長介入警界人事,徐國勇霸氣回應:「權力本就是我的,說我喬人事笑死人。」徐國勇對嗎?不然。陳水扁前總統表示,總統透過國安會下屬的國安局掌管八大情治系統,那是總統的權力。又說,體制雖如此,「但尊重專業更重要,否則警政署如何統領八萬大軍?」按〈國家安全局組織法〉,包括內政部警政署在內確實權屬總統,那為什麼鬧成今天的局面?這就是總統失能。接下來八萬大軍會不會不穩才是問題。 蔡英文主導通過縣市長提名特別條例,賦予自己史無前例的黨主席頂天權力,縣市長徵召既然一把抓,成敗的帳都會回到她身上。有一位政治學者說:「強制是富有成效的權力形式,但代價也同樣昂貴。」最可怕的是,付出的昂貴代價可能是台灣民主價值的犧牲。 (作者金恒煒為政治評論者;http://wenichin.blogspot.tw/

2022年6月30日 星期四

什麼,「落跑部長」?講肖話!

自由廣場》(金恆煒專欄)什麼,「落跑部長」?講肖話! 2022/06/30 05:30 衛福部長也是防疫指揮官陳時中要投入台北市長選舉,並非出人意表的民進黨佈局,重要的起手式在中執會去年通過的縣市長提名特別條例,規定六都市長及爭取連任縣市長人選提名由黨主席蔡英文徵召。換句話說,不必辦初選了,蔡英文說了算。再看五天前《自由時報》的獨家專訪,前副總統陳建仁表示,陳時中擔任中央流行疫情指揮中心指揮官的表現值得大家信賴,未來統籌台北市政府綽綽有餘,是很合適的人選,「連我去當指揮官都不會像陳時中那麼好」。近乎官方聲明;陳時中選定了。 陳時中有沒有勝算或有多少勝算?坊間民調不管公正不公正、信譽好不好,基本上等因奉此而已,更不論網路聲量了。《TVBS》廿七日公布台北市長選舉最新民調,蔣萬安、黃珊珊、陳時中形成「三腳督」競逐,蔣第一,黃居次,陳時中不但名列最後,而且支持度比蔣萬安一半還少。如果此一民調值得參考,試問民進黨為什麼要提名勢必落選的人出來角逐?不怕傷到主席的威望?民進黨有那麼呆嗎?「戰鬥藍」的頭頭趙少康很相信這份民調,說蔣萬安強勢領先,反正「喜歡就好」,蔣萬安的首席操盤手竟如此受用,可見任何民調總有人買。 陳時中強不強?比較重要的參考架構是對手黨的反應。 陳時中一直是國民黨、民眾黨的頭號敵手。比如國民黨立委賴士葆批評陳時中掌防疫指揮官是「夭鬼假細禮」,隔空向他喊話要參選就快請辭,否則藉記者會大量曝光掌握話語權,對同黨和他黨擬參選人都不公平。趙少康也抨擊陳時中:要選舉就辭職 ,否則就宣布不選、專心防疫。民眾黨主席也是現任北市市長柯文哲譏諷陳時中「每天報明牌」云云,酸不溜丢沒有不同。陳時中是政務官又是防疫指揮官,有沒有用記者會蹭聲望是一回事,不過正如政治理論常說的「執政優勢」,沒啥可指責,要怪就要怪自己沒贏得執政權,上不了檯盤。 最缺乏民主常識的一句話是國民黨立法院黨團總召曾銘宗、趙少康同時炮轟陳時中是「落跑部長」。笑話,陳時中是政務官,隨時上台隨時下台,沒有任期制,哪有落不落跑的問題?真說落跑,透過選舉有任期的縣市長、立委才戴得上這頂帽子。難道要像蔣萬安這樣,一邊領立委薪水一邊選市長,輸贏都享雙重保險! 是不是要陳時中ㄧ邊當部長一邊跑選舉,才不算「落跑」?還是最好不要選?自稱高智商的柯文哲掰出一說「陣前易將兵家大忌」。什麼跟什麼。政務官去參選是另闢戰場,還沒「上陣」哪有「易將」可說?「換柱」才是「陣前易將」。至於藍媒指責陳時中「這時候放手防疫很不厚道」,蔣萬安依樣瞎起鬨表示「陳時中跟民進黨政府覺得選舉比防疫重要」,柯文哲又說自己關心「誰接指揮中心」。別替政府擔心,防疫團隊依舊在,也有新部長,那才真是「無縫接軌」。 陳部長在時要他辭職,陳部長不在時又耽心沒人接指揮中心 ;「既欲其死又欲其生」、「吃餅又欲餅存」,矛不矛盾、可不可笑。原來陳時中是國民、民眾兩黨的大患。如此而已。 (作者金恒煒為政治評論者;http://wenichin.blogspot.tw/)