2020年8月21日 星期五

CCP imposes its fascist rule in HK

Fri, Aug 21, 2020 page8
  • CCP imposes its fascist rule in HK

    • By Chin Heng-wei 金恒煒
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    “Nothing new under the sun” is a saying from Ecclesiastes, but substituting “five-star flag” for “sun” would perhaps be more in step with the times.

    International media watched as Apple Daily founder and owner Jimmy Lai (黎智英), two of his sons and four of his employees were arrested, followed by the arrest of 23-year-old democracy advocate Agnes Chow (周庭).

    Arresting well-known people for things they said is not unusual in China, but to let go of all restraint and do it in Hong Kong for the world to see as shows the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) outright contempt for basic human rights.

    The masters in Beijing were not joking when they passed the National Security Law for Hong Kong. It was precisely what they needed to arrest anyone they wanted.

    In just 23 years, Hong Kong, the former jewel in the British queen’s crown, has been thrown into the dust and crushed under Beijing’s boot.

    However, it is not as if Hong Kongers did not know what was coming.

    Xu Jiatun (許家屯) was officially the first head of Xinhua news agency’s Hong Kong branch.

    According to his memoirs, he was also the first person sent by Beijing to carry out the “great task” of unification.

    Xu once received an important business leader and his three deputies. When the conversation turned to the “one country, two systems” model, he said that “everything will remain unchanged” except that the Chinese flag would replace the British flag and the British governor would be replaced by a person elected by Hong Kongers themselves, making it no longer a British colony.

    One of the business leader’s deputies disagreed and asked if that would not make Hong Kong a Chinese colony.

    It did, but what can be done about it?

    It is true that Hong Kongers did not have democracy under British rule, but they were free. Now that Hong Kong has become a Chinese colony, they have neither democracy nor freedom. They are not even allowed to think for themselves anymore.

    The past attitude in Hong Kong was: “We are Hong Kongers, you are Chinese and those are Brits.”

    However, the only things that count today are the decisions of the Chinese National People’s Congress in Beijing.

    After the Cultural Revolution, an academic, referring to Hong Kong as an example, said that before China becomes a free and modern country, it must go through a colonial period.

    It might have been a joke, but given the cruel realities, it turned out to be a chilling warning.

    As a British colony, Hong Kong was far better off than it is now as a special administrative region of the “mother country.”

    History is not weird, reality is. The day that Hong Kong was returned to China was also the day its fate was sealed and its death sentence finalized.

    From the “Umbrella movement” to protests last year against a extradition bill, Hong Kong has been roiled by turmoil as the whole world watched. Still, anyone who knows the CCP’s true character knew that struggle was futile.

    Many people in Taiwan, the US and even Hong Kong had high hopes for the protests.

    In the foreword to his book Hong Kong Awakens (香港覺醒), Lee Yee (李怡), founder of Hong Kong’s The Seventies magazine, said that last year “will be a year for the history books. It was the year Hong Kong awakened, an awakening that represented a milestone of the past 200 years.”

    “It was a bit sudden, but it was not incidental. It was an awakening of Hong Kong residents, an awakening that will be passed from this generation to the next, and to the next generation after that. There is no turning back for Hong Kong. Hong Kong will not look back,” he said.

    These were the naive thoughts of 83-year-old Lee.

    While Hong Kong has awakened, its people have had their right to protest taken away. The day after Lai was arrested, the Apple Daily sold 550,000 copies, and Next Digital’s stock surged 1,000 percent to its highest in six years.

    The Hong Kongers’ awakening might be forceful, but it will be difficult to maintain the momentum.

    It is cruel. The people of Hong Kong have written history in their own blood, exposing the character of the CCP dictatorship and tyranny for the world to see. By sacrificing everything, they have exposed the ferociousness of Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) and those of his ilk.

    It is indeed like Machiavelli said: “It was thus necessary that Moses should find the people of Israel slaves in Egypt and oppressed by the Egyptians... It was necessary that Cyrus should find the Persians discontented with the empire of the Medes... Theseus could not have showed his abilities if he had not found the Athenians dispersed.”

    To make the world see China’s savagery and evil, it was necessary for Hong Kong to suffer this tragedy. The people of Hong Kong have put their greatness on full display and developed countries around the world must stop being bystanders to the spread of fascism.

    Chin Heng-wei is a political commentator.

    Translated by Perry Svensson

2020年8月20日 星期四

「台灣認同」是無上命令

自由廣場》(金恆煒專欄)「台灣認同」是無上命令

2020-08-20 05:30

高雄市長補選揭曉,無可爭議的事實有二:民進黨的陳其邁大勝中國國民黨的李眉蓁,李眉蓁又遠勝民眾黨的吳益政;國民黨雖沒有墊底,黨內充斥何去何從的焦慮;民眾黨則有泡沫化的可能。

面對輸到脫褲子的殘酷現實,國民黨中還有人勉強為敗績祭出遮羞布。最有趣的是中山大學政研所教授廖達琪。她不認為陳其邁大贏,原因呢?她說,陳其邁是「大人打小孩」!還打成這樣,沒什麼好高興云云。政治學的大教授耶,難道不知道民主選舉不能有「大人打小孩」、「男人打女人」、「高個打矮個」或「五府千歲」、「嘴上無毛」之類說法?這是民主ABC,出於政治學教授之口,不得不為中山大學政研所學生捏一把冷汗。再說,民主選舉是多數決,贏一票就贏,選輸的必不高興,如此而已。

高市議長曾麗燕又是另位寶貝。她說陳其邁創下縣市合併後市長投票率及得票率雙低,質疑民意代表性不足。民主選舉只要合乎程序正義,當選人合理性及合法性十足,有什麼代表性足不足可說嘴?議長如此無知才是代表性不足!

另一例就是趙少康。趙名嘴不滿外界用「世紀慘敗」形容國民黨,拍桌擲筆氣到說,不可以拿李眉蓁的得票率跟二○一○年黃昭順比,「那是大選,李眉蓁是補選,怎麼能比呢?」然後又說:「數學怎麼算的…,這沒道理,怎不評說黃昭順輸五十萬票,李眉蓁輸,但不是民進黨大贏!」問題是,國民黨一年內連三敗,選一次輸一次,得票率愈來愈低,快輸到無何有之鄉了。還有嘴說李眉蓁輸、陳其邁沒有贏!

國民黨、民眾黨會輸,不是沒有道理的。重點在「台灣認同」已成為選民投票的決定因素,這種趨向只會愈來愈強。「台灣認同」不是空話,其實就是民主認同、法治認同、人權認同及自由認同。認同台灣價值已成為世界主流。泰國年輕一代的反政府示威,就拿台灣的「民主」、香港的「抗中」做為口號,組成所謂「奶茶同盟」;「奶茶」正是台灣的符號,而泰國年輕人將之當成台灣、香港與泰國的同心圓。

台灣愈受到全球民主國家支持,中國的文攻武嚇就愈厲害。中國駐俄羅斯前國防武官王海運少將狂言「七天內武統台灣不成問題」,《環時》總編胡錫進威脅說拿下台灣「以小時計」。還有人提出所謂「武統時程表」,言之鑿鑿。這種恫嚇有沒有影?當然是騙人的。只舉一例,習大大下了軍令:解放軍「絕不可以先開火」!「不—可—先—開—火」,看到沒?最可恥的是馬英九之流,在台灣享受總統退休禮遇,卻要拿中共武統恫嚇台灣,說什麼「首戰就是終戰」。解放軍已被下了禁火令,馬英九們怕中國文攻武嚇不夠力,還要為虎作倀,拿假虎皮撐黨國被「滅門」的大旗。可鄙復可憐。

馬英九如此,柯文哲也不遑多讓,執意要辦「雙城論壇」取代國民黨成為台灣對中國的唯一代言人;「兩岸一家親」是中國政協主席俞正聲的統戰用語,柯公然表示:「兩岸一家親」比「兩岸一家仇」好。難道不知道此說的重點在「一家」,不在「親」、「仇」?高雄市長補選,民眾黨跌到狗吃屎,不正是拜「一家」之賜!?

至於國民黨,只要馬英九、洪秀柱們還在,絕對走不出「一中」,等著倒閉罷。

(作者金恒煒為政治評論者;http://wenichin.blogspot.tw/

2020年8月15日 星期六

香港對抗邪惡 國際必須奧援

自由廣場》(金恒煒專欄)香港對抗邪惡 國際必須奧援

2020-08-13 05:30

「太陽底下沒有新鮮事」,是一千多年前古希臘的諺語,但是把「太陽」換成「五星旗」就更生猛。國際媒體看著壹傳媒創辦人黎智英帶兩個兒子外加工作人員共七人一舉被逮,接下來廿三歲的「民主女神」周庭等被逮。如此大規模以言獲罪,在中國不是新鮮事,在香港眾目睽睽下的肆無忌憚,是藐視人類基本價值的極致;爺兒們通過「國安法」,難道是搞假的?通通抓起來,剛好而已。

香港從英女王皇冠上那顆最大最亮的珍珠,不過區區廿三年,委頓成中共腳底隨便可踩可踏的瓦片亂石。又怎樣?港人難道不知道?許家屯是中國最早派駐香港進行「統一」大計(按:這是許家屯自曝的來港任務)的最高領導人,一次他接受某巨商邀請,在座的還有他的三個公子,談到「一國兩制」,許家屯表示「一切不變」,要換的是英國旗換中國旗、港督從英皇委派變港人自選,不再是英國殖民地云云。一位公子不以為然的反駁:「那不變成中國的殖民地?」果是,又為之奈何?

在英國統治下,香港人固然沒有民主但有自由,淪為中國殖民地,沒有民主、沒有自由,甚至連想都不被容忍。過去是「我們香港人」、「你們中國人」、「他們英國人」,現在通通取消,一切由「人大」決定。文革之後,有位學者曾以香港為例說,中國要有自由、要成為現代化國家,必須先經過殖民。這句玩笑話,在殘酷的現實考驗下,既蒼涼又驚恐。

做為英國殖民地的香港遠比回歸祖國後成為中國「特區」要幸福得多;歷史並不弔詭,現實才弔詭。中國向英國贖回香港的賣身契,香港回歸的那一天,就形同簽下死亡同意書的一天。換句話說,中國拿下香港之後,香港的命運已經決定,沒有「翻身」的餘地。從「雨傘運動」到「反送中運動」,固然波瀾壯闊、可歌可泣,吸引了全球的目光。但了解中國共產黨的本質,必然預知死亡事件,香港人的掙扎,徒勞而已。

無論台灣、美國,甚至香港,許多人都寄希望於港人的抗爭。《七十年代》的創刊人李怡,在最近出版的書《香港覺醒》序中表示:「二○一九,必將記載於歷史上。這一年,香港覺醒。是近二百年歷史中里程碑的覺醒。有些突然,但也由來有自。是香港市民的覺醒,一代人會延續到下一代和下下一代人的覺醒。香港走上不歸路。再也不會回頭。」這是八十三歲李怡一廂情願的天真。香港的覺醒當然是真的,港人的抵抗權已全遭剝奪,公民權的行使已無空間。黎智英被捕的次日,《蘋果》印發量高達五十五萬份,壹傳媒股價兩天下來,漲幅一度曾達一千%,飆破六年最高點。香港人覺醒的力道很強勁,但這條路要走下去,難難難。

說起來有點殘忍,香港人民用他/她們的血肉之軀確實締造了歷史,讓全世界親眼目睹中國共產黨赤裸裸的進行專制獨裁。香港犧牲自己的一切,至少揭示了習大大們的青面獠牙。正像馬基雅維利說的:「為了展示摩西的能力,就需要以色列人民在埃及受苦;為了表現居魯士的偉大氣概,波斯人就不得不受米堤亞人的壓迫;為了彰顯國王提修斯的卓爾不凡,雅典人只好顛沛流離。」如今,為使全世界認清中國的野蠻、邪惡,香港就必須淪落到目前悲慘境界!香港人已表現了他們的偉大,世界文明國家不能坐視法西斯肆虐。

(作者金恒煒為政治評論者;http://wenichin.blogspot.tw/

2020年8月5日 星期三

李登輝與馬基雅維利

自由廣場》(金恒煒專欄)李登輝與馬基雅維利

2020-08-06 05:30

把「民主之父」李前總統與十六世紀中有「道德怪物」之稱的馬基雅維利放在一起,也許會引起許多人的不安或不滿,所以先破題一下,以釋群疑。

說到「爭議性」人物,五百年來馬基雅維利可能排第一。一九七一年,以撒柏林在《紐約時報》解讀《君王論》,從羅素稱之為「黑道手冊」到布爾什維克稱讚此書掌握權力本質,成為馬列思想的先驅,克羅齊與列奧.施特勞斯奉他為政治新「科學」的創建者,他問:「還有哪位作者能獲致如此不同的解讀?」「愛憎李登輝」亦然;面對全球超過五百政要向李登輝致哀下,那些反李分子只能囁嚅說「功過留待後人」了。

從馬基雅維利看李登輝或以李登輝看馬基雅維利,有三個主軸非常明顯:一是理想主義;二是現實主義;三是權力運作。在這三個主軸之上,還有一個非關人力的「命運」,即「人生中的偶然」。馬基雅維利強調命運主宰了我們一半的行動,另一半就靠我們的「自由意志」。李登輝成為總統,當然是「偶然」、是「命運」,但是李登輝憑勇氣及先見之明,充分發揚他的「自由意志」,終而造就李登輝時代。

馬基雅維利是理想主義者,李登輝也是。牛津大學皇家民法教授I. Gentillet讚揚馬基雅維利的核心價值在捍衛民主、唾棄專制—這正是李登輝一生的追求與成就。馬基雅維利的終極理念就是建立擁有自由權的共和國,這與李登輝要追求的「主權獨立」國家,沒有二致。

李登輝因緣際會繼任總統,他不是「外省集團」的成員,李能夠一步一步退俞國華、貶李煥、斥郝柏村,完成最後權力拼圖。李登輝不諱言拔擢郝柏村任閣揆取代李煥是政治佈局:一則收回黨權,一則拔除軍權,再用人民力量及民進黨國會席次之助,迫郝柏村下台,徹底消滅軍事政變之虞。李登輝充分體現馬基雅維利所說「必須有獅子的凶猛、狐狸的狡滑」。李登輝最大的後盾是台灣廣大人民的支持。他知道「民之所欲」是無上命令,同時打出「台灣人的悲哀」,台灣人四百年來受殖民的悲慘與李登輝執政形成奏鳴曲。所以野百合學運也好、總統直選也好、九六年大選也好、九七年修憲也好,沒有人民的支持是不可能達成的任務。李登輝受全民付託,是人民福祉之所寄,其中也摻有本身的利益,他理念的成功與他的權力/利的掌控同步完成。

馬基雅維利是現實主義者,李登輝也是。馬基雅維利說:「若想好運時時相隨,必須與時俱變。」李登輝執政時完全沒有突破「中國」的侷限,強調台灣已是獨立的國家,不必追求台獨,這自然與彭明敏〈台灣人民自救宣言〉扞格。卸任之後,從總統變成阿輝伯後,才走向獨派,以「正名制憲」為號召。這是李登輝現實主義的一例。

李前總統是公認的「民主先生」,最重要的遺產就是打造台灣政治的「合法化」;台灣邁向民主,自與獨裁中國不同國。

(作者金恒煒為政治評論者;http://wenichin.blogspot.tw/